Women Communicate in Repressed Communites Trhough Song and Storytelling

[Guest guest]

Written by: Burns

How do we approach patriarchal history so that history, itself, can

be reconstructed and seen through the eyes of women as well as men?

Recently, our class instructor, June Watkins, suggested that story

telling might be a new methodology for feminist writing. I was

immediately reminded of stories told by the women in India that I had

read about years ago. Women in India have used story telling as a

method of female communication for a long time. Story telling for

them, however, is a method employed in secrecy. The modes of

transferring stories may come through myth, song, as well as through a

woman in the village who tells stories (in an oral tradition of sorts)

to teach other young women and girls. This woman is usually elderly

and well respected in the village. This paper will take a look at

stories, songs and a few other methods employed by the women of India

that helps them survive oppression. It will examine why the women use

these methods along with the question of how they form bonds that help

them to survive in a society where women are still property and not

persons. Finally, this paper will look at story telling as a method

deliberately applied by western feminist scholars.. I will also try

to show how these two cultures may help each other in reconstructing

history through women's lives and experiences.

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In their book, Listen to the Heron's Words, Raheja and Gold made the

following conclusion:

In analyzing women's oral traditions and women's commentaries on

them, it soon became apparent to us that women have in fact composed

their own mythologies. Though they may not carry the authoritative

weight of certain versions of the Ramayana , women's songs and

stories consistently compose ironic and subversive commentaries of the

representation of gender and kinship roles found in the epic texts, in

male folklore genres, and in a good deal of everyday talk. This is

not to suggest that women always and everywhere subvert North Indian

kinship structures or discourses that lace them in a subordinate

position , or, that they are equally inclined or empowered to do so.

Rather, our work points to the polyvalent nature of women's discourse,

and to the multiple moral perspectives encoded therein. When one

listens to women in rural North India, Kakar's " formidable consensus "

dissolves into a plurality of voices. Now we will discover how these

varying interpretations of gender and kinship are situated in women's

complexly figured identities, and how the shape the tenor of the

everyday lives

Gold and Raheja analyze the difference between language and what they

call, " a discourse-centered approach " . They write, " `A

discourse-centered approach' to language and culture has been proposed

as a perspective capable of encompassing attention to the agency of

particularly positioned speakers and actors, to the relationship

between culture as a system of shared meanings and culture as a set of

contested and negotiated meanings, to the relationship of forms of

discourse to the ongoing constitution of social life and social

processes, and to the strategic use of forms of expression in everyday

interactions " . Therefore, if feminist writers engage in discourse,

they have more room to reconstruct women's history and their daily

lives. Discourse gives feminist writers the ability to negotiate

what the " True " meaning of a scripture or, even, current patriarchal

rules and writings might Really mean. The authors continue their case

for a feminist method of discourse when they quote Sherzer as saying:

Discourse is a level or component of language use, related to but

distinct from grammar. It can be oral or written and can be

approached in textual or sociocultural and social-interaction terms.

Discourse is an elusive area, an imprecise and constantly emerging and

emergent interface between language and culture, created by actual

instances of language in use and best defined specifically in terms of

such instances.....Discourse includes and relates both textual

patterning and a situating of language in its natural contexts of use.

Context is to be understood in two senses here: first, the social and

cultural backdrop, the ground rules and assumptions of language usage;

and second, the immediate , ongoing, and emerging actualities of

speech events.

If feminist writers use this " discourse " it allows them a new range

of motion and influence. They do not ignore patriarchy, but, they can

enter into dialogue with it in such a way that absolutes may be

questioned. A discourse-centered approach to women's story telling is

an exciting method that is emerging for reconstructing the history of

" emerging women " !

It is best to stick with the work of Raheja and Gold for the present

time and to look at the songs and stories they bring to us from India

first. One of the first forms of women's story telling the authors

bring to light is called, " gali " . Gali songs are short songs sung

repeatedly during different stages of a wedding. The words of gali

songs may be shocking and are filled with double meanings. The

singers (which are expected at these weddings) are referred to as

insult singers. They are different groups of women from both the

brides and the groom's sides of the family at the appropriate times.

The following gali is sung by the bride's family to the groom's

family at the time of their arrival at the wedding:

On the cross-path grow those plants whose poison leaves are yellow,

Ram Kishan had a son, a floppy eared fellow. Take down my full water

pot, small husband dear. Small, small what's to be done? See the

male wonder. In nine months I'll feed a son. Daughter have a lot of

fun.

This gali is loaded with sexual innuendo and criticism. This way of

speaking would never be allowed in public by a Hindu woman. But, at

the time of the marriage it is allowed and even expected. The women

have a lot of fun venting and playing as they sing songs such as this.

The authors write, " Sexual meanings in galis need no longer be

hidden or deep. In many such abusive songs fertility is directly

associated with infidelity. From women's point of view it may be

better to deceive one's husband than to remain childless. "

Raheja and Gold give another gali example:

On a banyan sat a heron.

On a banyan sat a heron.

Listen to the heron's word,

Yes, listen to the heron's words:

For twelve years Ram Kishan's wife remained,

For twelve years Ram Kishan's wife remained,

Useless and empty she remained,

Yes. Useless and empty she remained.

One night with Bhuraji she remained,

One night with Ramji she remained

At once a boy child she obtained,

Yes at once a boy child she obtained.

You did well, my stout in-law,

You did well my handsome in-law,

You removed the stain of " barren woman, "

Yes, you relieved the barren woman with a birth.

The writers explain that, " there is of course an ironic tone in these

congratulations to an adulterer, who could by village custom be

culpable and punishable. But, given the agony of barren women the

" relief " received by the woman is genuine. " The authors explain that

women who were barren were often considered witches and were legally

allowed to be replaced by another wife. Often, men were so desperate

to have progeny that they would `allow themselves to be deceived' if

the result was the birth of a boy " .

Gold and Raheja have given us some interesting ways that women

vocalize their unhappiness with their conditions through songs. These

songs are controlled, however, and are only allowed at certain times

and on certain occasions. Some songs are sung among the women when

they have private get-togethers. Yet, again, the bawdy anger and

lusty honesty these songs convey about the lives of the women are

cloistered where men do not find out how the women in their lives

experience life itself. While they have found a way to bond and

survive, the strong tool of the songs of the Hindu women are not being

used as a way to set them free. They are not going beyond the

courtyard gates of the women's homes to help construct a historical

perspective of life for Hindu women.

At this point I would like to look at another book called, Monday

Nights on the Dark Night of the Moon, by Kirin Narayan. This book is

particularly interesting because the author grew up in a village near

the subject and the subject matter that she writes about. Educated in

the West, she went back to her past and looked at it through the eyes

of a western feminist scholar. This type of scholarship among women

from other parts of the world may be an important link in getting the

stories (and stories told through songs and other methods) out from

behind the gates of women's courtyards and into books read worldwide.

In this way a historical feminist reconstruction of history can be

achieved through the experiences of women themselves. Kirin Narayan

writes:

`Gale milna' is how Urmilaji always begins her letters to me:

`Embraces.' ...I think of how that opening greeting also speaks to

what we've done in this book. Gale milna literally means `uniting the

throats.' In Kangra valley of the Himalayan foothills, where Urmiliji

lives, women friends who are reunited after a separation take one

another in their arms in a leisurely, swaying embrace: pressing cheek

against cheek (throat against throat) on one side, the other side, the

first side again. But, gala `throat' also refers to voice; in this

book, Urmilaji's voice meets with min. I am telling a story about her

telling stories and about the meanings she helped me see in her

stories. Though I have tried to keep our voices distinct, through

dialogue, translation, and friendship we've inevitably

mingled........In 1991, when I was living at the other end of

Urmilaji's village, she gave me the gift of every Kangra folktale she

could remember. These were often spell-binding stories but they were

not just about set-apart worlds. Through these Kangra folktales, I

learned about people's relations to gods, to relatives, to imagined

historical pasts. I shared Urmilaji's memories of the tellers who had

taught her these stories. I grappled with questions about the

appropriate relationships between scholars and the people whose lives

they research. Sitting together, the happy complicity of enjoying

these stories drew Urmilaji and me closer. I came to understand that

oral stories arise out of relationships, are about relationships and

forge relationships.

Narayan gives a few notations on her methods. I believe they are worth

noting.. She is cautious about how to retell the stories given to

her. She is aware that she is a trained Western scholar who is

interpreting the inside meanings of another culture's myths.. For

her work to be useful, enough care cannot be taken to make sure she

stays true to what Urmilaji is saying. Narayan makes sure the correct

procedures are taken as she describes her method of writing this book

as follows:

A Note To My Colleagues

Many of us who are trained as scholars end up writing just for other

scholars. My choice to address a more general audience comes partly

from the material: these folktales that Urmilaji tells will, I

believe, bring pleasure to many kinds of readers. The choice to write

accessibly also grows out of deep convictions. I think that scholars

trained in academic disciplines would do well to dismantle the wall

between vivid stories and intellectual conversations; between narrated

insights we would share with friends and families and rigorous

analysis we would address to fellow specialists. Yet to integrate

personal and professional modes of communications, one has to proceed

cautiously, with a continual, critical interrogation of

relevance.......All too often, I fear , the people we have sought to

represent have ended up as a faceless mass of informants spouting

materials for the researcher's professional gain. Acknowledging the

impact ---both personal and intellectual---of remarkable people met

" in the field " more accurately conveys the source of scholarly

insights than such distanced depiction. Ironically, moving beyond

generalizations to a careful account of the individuals and conditions

from which insights emerge can be dismissed as being too precisely

empirical, even positivistic; alternately, it can be dismissed as

overly partial and personal. Yet I believe that this is necessary

move in today's interconnected, inegalitarian world to grant the

people who are the sources of our written works respect as mentors,

interlocutors, collaborators, and even friends.

Narayan is presenting us with a new form of writing. Admittedly, it

is a dangerous balance that must be kept when we write to a broader

audience and interject part of our personal selves into that writing.

We must be sure to continue upholding academic standards that allow

us to dig into the details of our subjects. But, to write in a more

relaxed manner allows us room to explore new horizons, to be more

egalitarian because we have more freedom. This freedom gives women a

chance to tell us how the world really is for them in greater detail.

With this freedom we can construct an ongoing history through women's

eyes. Through methods such as story telling we can reconstruct past

history through women's worldviews

It would take enormous amounts of writing to share some of Urmilaji's

stories. However, they deal with subjects of theology , a woman's

place in her culture, the problems that occur when a new bride comes

to live in her mother-in-law's home, treatment of a bride by her

sister's-in-law, how easily women can be put to death, the rewards and

punishments a Hindu woman receives for certain deeds, and rituals that

surround these types of stories. In one story a lady takes care of a

child, all alone, under a " berry bush " for a year. Urmilaji tells the

story and then takes the women out to a berry bush where they light

candles and incense and worship the bush. In this way they honor the

hard work it took for the woman to care for the child and the fact

that her love and care made her virtuous. Women in Kangra assume this

story and the ritual that goes with it. They are being taught what a

virtuous Hindu woman is expected to do. All of Urmilaji's stories

teach women what is good and what is bad. She is both teacher and

preacher for the women of her village.

If we, as female scholars, are able to see the unending possibilities

of using story telling as a methodology for feminist exegesis, then we

have much to learn from India. Even their gods and goddesses tell us

what their life roles are suppose to be. India, herself, is referred

to as " mother India " . In her book, Victory to the Mother, Kathleen

Erndl describes the great Goddess in the following terms:

The worship of Devi (the Goddess) is one of the most vigorous and

visible of religious phenomena in northwest India today. Her cult is

a regional variant of the pan-Hindu worship of the Great Goddess.

known by such names as Durga, Candi, and Amba. In the Punjab

region—which includes present-day Punjab, Haryana, Channdigarh, Delhi,

and much of Himal-Pradesh----she is most commonly called by her

nickname Seranvali (Lion Rider) or simply Mata (mother). Her cult is

one in which esoteric Tantric elements mingle with popular devotional

(bhakti) worship. Although Seranvali has mythological and ritual

associations with the great male deities Visnu and Siva, it is an

independent form that she is worshipped. That is, she is not seen as

a consort deity like Laksmi or Parvati, each whose significance

depends on her relationship with a male deity. A deity who is both

transcendent and immanent, her functions range from generalized ones

such as the creation, preservation, and destruction of the universe to

more specific ones such as curing diseases and helping people in

distress. She is the embodiment of sakti, the dynamic power of the

universe.

It is obvious that the average Hindu woman is not venerated or honored

in the same way that Devi is. She is always on the " low end of the

totem pole " in her society. However, this same society has created

this incredible female Goddess. Erndl goes on to explain how Hindu

women took this figure into themselves and used it to gain acceptable

power in their daily life. It is a fascinating and ingenious story.

She describes an experience in which she was attending a Devi jagrata

at 2 o'clock in the morning. The women sang devotional songs and told

stories about the goddess through much of the night. A candle was lit

to represent the Goddess and a little girl was seated next to it. The

sixteen-year-old girl was referred to as " Little Mother " . Erndl

states, " The Goddess had entered her body and was " playing " within

her. Her Long black hair flew out from her face as though charged

with electricity as her head spun around. " People would come up to

her and give her offerings. As the night continued Erndl grew bored

and exhausted, until she glanced at the woman sitting next to her.

The woman was an older lady, dressed well, plump and middle aged.

Erndl became frightened as " the woman's head began to move from side

to side, her eyes glazed over, and she began to shake. Standing up,

she began to dance frenetically, her tightly bound hair loosening and

then fanning out from her face. " Dr. Erndl tells us that she was

terrified. She witnessed a similar occurrence to this one in Nov. of

1983.

Dr. Erndl eventually came to witness many Goddess possessions. In

fact, she discovered that this phenomenon was not uncommon in

northwest India. When a woman became possessed on a regular basis she

would begin to have a following in her village. She would have

special nights that she held jagratas and would draw many people to

her home. After the ecstatic dancing and hair tossing, many women sit

as though in a trance and give spiritual advice to their followers.

Alms and offerings were left for the woman who the Goddess chose as

her vessel. Some women will make this their entire life's work. They

might have husbands and families, but it is understood that the

Goddess has chosen her and she is permitted to live a holy lifestyle

within the home.

It may seem as if these women are able to act as though possessed

even if they are not. Perhaps, this devotional show is put on in

order to get special status. However, most of these women truly

believe they have been chosen by Seranvali and they are usually very

devoted followers. Dr. Erndl tells of one woman, Mataji, who receives

the " pavan " or the wind that occurs when the Goddess arrives to take

possession of the " Mata " (woman; literally, mother) she has chosen.

In Mataji's daily life Erndl says:

Devotees may come and do seva (service) at the temple, but there is no

formal hierarchy among them. Mataji maintains control over all the

affairs of the temple. A few years ago, one of her close devotees

tried to form a temple committee, but Mataji refused, saying there was

no need for it, Mataji makes a point of not discriminating among

devotees; she welcomes people of all castes. Mataji, at the same time

places strong emphasis on certain Brahmanic and Sanskritic practices.

All food prepared on the premises or brought and offered to Mataji is

strictly vegetarian. Daily rituals include the morning and evening

puja and conducted in the temple by the pujari. Mataji and Devta (her

daughter who also receives the pavan) also perform their private

devotions and receive devotees informally throughout the day. In the

evening form nine PM until twelve AM the two become possessed and

devotional singing takes place. Offerings are received at this time

and the two possessed women answer questions. There are also monthly,

biannual, and annual rituals performed around Mataji.

It is interesting how so many Indian women have come to be the

" vessels of the Goddess. " When they meet with (primarily women)

devotees they are able to give them counsel and teach other women how

to be powerful through the eyes of a female deity.

In conclusion, I would like to acknowledge the incredible work of

women such as

Rosemary Reuther, who has been telling the stories of women's

struggle, for decades. Reuther's article, in our class text

concerning the struggle of Catholic nuns and laywomen, uses many

different tools to reconstruct the history of Catholic women in the

United States. Reuther used journal articles, diaries, radio

broadcast transcripts, letters and many other forms of communication

to help us know those women and relive their stories and history in

their own voices. I believe that we have the ability to study many

cultures, including our own, through story telling. The rich stories

and songs of Hindu women are just examples of how we can come to

resurrect a female historical worldview that might never have been

heard. The stories of our foresisters can reach out from the past and

give today's women the strength to continue being aware of oppression.

They can help us to have the courage to make sure our voices, as

women, are heard now and into the future.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Erndl, Kathleen. Victory to the mother: the Hindu Goddess of Myth,

ritual, and Symbol. New York: Oxford University Press,1993.

Narayan, Kirin. Mondays on the Dark Night of the Moon: Himalayan

Foothill Folktales.. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997

Raheja, Goria Goodwin and Gold, Ann Grodzins. Listen to the Heron's

Words: Reimagining Gender and Kinship in North India.. California:

University of California Press, 1994.