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<<<Nor can we ignore the history of the state in visiting upon humanity the

very death and destruction that its defenders insist upon as a rationale for

political power. Those who condemn anarchy should engage in some quantitative

analysis. In the twentieth century alone, governments managed to kill –

through

wars, genocides, and other deadly practices – some 200,000,000 men, women, and

children. How many people were killed by anarchists during this period?

Governments, not anarchists, have been the deadly " bomb-throwers " of human

history!>

>>

(from http://www.lewrockwell.com/shaffer/shaffer60.html)

As pointed out by me recently with appropriate evidence supplied, the death

rate from murder in stateless societies dwarfs that of American inner cities,

and the death rate of war in stateless societies dwarfs that, in some cases by

a factor of 30 or more, of Western society including the world wars. So his

argument is bogus.

Chris

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In a message dated 1/22/04 12:01:46 AM Eastern Standard Time,

slethnobotanist@... writes:

> I saw your figures but I missed the part about the total numbers. I

> seriously doubt that any stateless society or combination thereof killed

> 200,000,000 men, women, and children within a 100 year span. But I'm

> open for correction.

You're using absolute figures; I'm using percentages. Of course a war

between two bands numbering 2000 people each can't produce the deaths of 200

million

people between each of them! But in some egalitarian, stateless,

hunter-gatherer societies, the death from warfare rate is up to 60%, and the

leading

cause of death in most such societies is murder (otherwise it's warfare). On

the

contrary, in societies with states, or, rather, *Western* societies with

states, that is, in liberal states, the death from warfare is miniscule,

numbering

about 1-2% of deaths, including the world wars.

So there is no justification for the implication that states raise the death

rate from either murder or warfare, and, in fact, they vastly decrease it.

Chris

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In a message dated 1/22/04 12:14:24 AM Eastern Standard Time,

slethnobotanist@... writes:

> I didn't understand him to being saying that, and in a brief review of

> the article I still didn't understand him to be saying that.

I did, but I'll follow your interpretation of it.

> What I do understand him to be saying is that the argument, " it won't

> work " as a stand alone argument is illegitimate.

I don't think so. In order to advocate a type of societal organization, you

must present one that is a) ethical and B) works. If this is impossible, you

need one that does the latter and maximizes the former.

A better argument against the " it won't work " argument is that, barring

precognition, the anti-anarchist has no proof that it won't work. You can't

prove

a negative. The " it won't work " argument should be replaced with a question:

" -how- will it work? "

That argument has been

> made on this list in several different forms. Most utilitarians, at

> least those I am acquainted with, aren't interested in the other side of

> the question. What's ethical is what works by their way of thinking. So

> normative concerns versus normal concerns are just not part of the

> picture.

I agree with you here. Pragmatism is separate from ethics. I'm simply

saying that *both* must be considered. The author seemed to me to be saying

that

ethics trumps pragmatism, and if one takes an ethical stand, one need not

concern oneself with utility.

> >If the state is unjustified, but it is necessary, then the point of its

> lack

> >of justification is moot.

> Where in the article does he say that the state is necessary? I thought

> he said it was unnecessary but most folks at this point in history

> believe it is necessary, thus its existence.

He doesn't. But he argues that one need not even ask the question of

necessity. He makes no argument against the necessity of the state. I'm saying

IF

it is necessary then the ethics of anarchism simply cannot be fulfilled

THEREFORE he must make some attempt to demonstrate how anarchism could work.

Both articles were simply dismissive of the need for a state.

> >Furthermore, if one refers to the state as a " necessary evil, " then

> clearly

> >one is passing both an ethical and utilitarian judgment upon it, justifying

> it

> >on utilitarian grounds, and opposing it on ethical grounds.

>

> Again where does he say that? There must be a subtle line of reasoning I

> am missing.

He doesn't. *I* say that, and, to my understanding, libertarians who are not

anarchists say that. He's claiming that an anti-anarchist is failing on the

ethical ground for supporting the state on the utilitarian ground, but if a

non-anarchist libertarian actually believes the state to be a " necessary evil "

then the author is essentially building a straw man, because such a libertarian

would, in fact, be passing moral judgment against the state.

> >I oppose any initiation of violence against person or property. I don't

> see

> >how those boundaries can be established without a collective agreement that

>

> >they will be respected. The claim that such a collective agreement

> violates the

> >principle of property is meritless, because there is effectively no

> principle

> >of property without that collective agreement. To claim that we cannot

> make

> >that collective agreement is essentially saying that we should collectively

>

> >*disagree* on the issue, in which case you've suddenly lost your grounds to

>

> >claim we can't make the collective agreement.

>

> I'm not following you here. Are you saying that the delineation of

> boundaries for my person cannot be established without a *collective*

> agreement

> of respect for them?

In *effect*, yes. I can recognize those boundaries and you can, but they are

only protected to the extent that *everyone* recognizes them. It doesn't do

you much good if *you* recognize the boundaries of your person if a criminal

intent upon attacking you does not.

> And help me to see the relation of this to the article. Is this your

> defense against his criticism of minarchy?

I didn't think he had much of one... I'm trying to sort out the implications

of his article. He claims the state is inherently violent. But if the state

is limited to the protection of property, person, and enforcement of

contracts, as libertarians wish it to be, then the necessary implication is that

the

author believes there to be violence within such protection. IOW, he believes

that a collective agreement to withold from violence or else suffer violence is

violent in itself. If that's so, the only way to enact this ethical stance

against violence, is to *allow* violence against person and property by those

who do not respect person and property.

>

> >If moral opposition to the state and consideration of it as a necessary

> evil

> >makes one an anarchist, then I'm an anarchist. However, that's a

> relatively

> >absurd definition of anarchism, since a long line of philosophers have

> >considered government a necessary evil, and I do believe Madison said

> something to the

> >effect, despite his participation in the formation of a government.

>

> Yes it is and no ancap holds to it. Ancaps consider a coercive state an

> unnecessary evil.

Then ancap has to demonstrate why it is unnecessary and convincing

alternative forms of organization. I'm not saying ancap *hasn't* done that, and

I

suspect it has, but neither of the authors did so in the articles you posted,

and

they seemed to me to be dismissing the idea that one must do so.

And the second author seemed to just be waxing poetic. Like going to the

store and buying something is an act of anarchism. Well, fine, we're all

anarchists then ;-)

Chris

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,

> Now this an example of to much trimming. What was he saying or what were

> you saying that he was saying? LOL!

Sorry!

I'd said:

>The argument, I think, is rather senseless: he claims that support or

>opposition to the state is an " ethical " consideration and not a

" utilitarian "

>consideration, as if you can't ask the question from both perspectives.  Of

*course*

>you can ask the question from a ultilitarian perspective!  Any question

about

>what " should " or " should not " occur can be asked on both ethical and

pragmatic

>grounds.  It is useless to ask either without also asking the other.

Then you'd written:

>>I didn't understand him to being saying that, and in a brief review of

>>the article I still didn't understand him to be saying that.

My interpretation is based on the following passages:

" To be an anarchist does not mean you think anarchy will " work " (whatever

that means); nor that you predict it will or " can " be achieved. It is possible

to

be a pessimistic anarchist, after all. To be an anarchist only means that you

believe that aggression is not justified, and that states necessarily employ

aggression. "

and

" Likewise, to my claim that the state and its aggression is unjustified, it

is disingenuous and/or confused to reply, " anarchy won’t work " or is

" impractical " or " unlikely to ever occur. " 1 The view that the state is

unjustified is a

normative or ethical position. The fact that not enough people are willing to

respect their neighbors’ rights to allow anarchy to emerge, i.e., the fact

that enough people (erroneously) support the legitimacy of the state to permit

it

to exist, does not mean that the state, and its aggression, are justified. "

Furthermore, he claims that to support a state is to support aggression

against " innocent victims " :

" Other utilitarian replies like " but we need a state " do not contradict the

claim that states employ aggression and that aggression is unjustified. It

simply means that the state-advocate does not mind the initiation of force

against

innocent victims – i.e., he shares the criminal/socialist mentality. "

.... which I find rather absurd, because libertarians advocate a state that

exercises authority only against those who initiate violence, to prevent that

violence from continuing, and to deter such violence. A libertarian does not

allow a state that initiates violence against " innocent victims. "

Furthermore, it seems at least *conceivable* that a state could be financed

wholly on user fees, though I haven't bothered to work it out.

Again, I haven't had a chance to read arguments of how an anarcho-capitalist

society would be able to fulfill all the legitimate functions of the state or

maintain acceptance of property rights and prevent or punish violence. They

might be good arguments. But he seems to me to be dismissing the need for such

arguments, which I strongly disagree with.

Chris

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On Wed, 21 Jan 2004 22:47:39 EST

ChrisMasterjohn@... wrote:

>

><<<Nor can we ignore the history of the state in visiting upon humanity the

>very death and destruction that its defenders insist upon as a rationale for

>political power. Those who condemn anarchy should engage in some quantitative

>analysis. In the twentieth century alone, governments managed to kill –

through

>wars, genocides, and other deadly practices – some 200,000,000 men, women,

and

>children. How many people were killed by anarchists during this period?

>Governments, not anarchists, have been the deadly " bomb-throwers " of human

history!>

>>>

>(from http://www.lewrockwell.com/shaffer/shaffer60.html)

>

>As pointed out by me recently with appropriate evidence supplied, the death

>rate from murder in stateless societies dwarfs that of American inner cities,

>and the death rate of war in stateless societies dwarfs that, in some cases by

>a factor of 30 or more, of Western society including the world wars. So his

>argument is bogus.

>

>Chris

>

>

I saw your figures but I missed the part about the total numbers. I

seriously doubt that any stateless society or combination thereof killed

200,000,000 men, women, and children within a 100 year span. But I'm

open for correction.

If you take the 200,000,000 number and increase it by a factor of 30

that would be a spectacular to say the least, especially within a 100

year time span. As it is, if memory serves me well, I have a feeling he

is not just talking about Western society.

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On Thu, 22 Jan 2004 00:16:09 EST

ChrisMasterjohn@... wrote:

>You're using absolute figures; I'm using percentages. Of course a war

>between two bands numbering 2000 people each can't produce the deaths of 200

million

>people between each of them! But in some egalitarian, stateless,

>hunter-gatherer societies, the death from warfare rate is up to 60%, and the

leading

>cause of death in most such societies is murder (otherwise it's warfare). On

the

>contrary, in societies with states, or, rather, *Western* societies with

>states, that is, in liberal states, the death from warfare is miniscule,

numbering

>about 1-2% of deaths, including the world wars.

>

>So there is no justification for the implication that states raise the death

>rate from either murder or warfare, and, in fact, they vastly decrease it.

In absolute terms most assuredly states raise the death rate. I think

that is his point. Reading back through your original post I don't see

any justification implying that he was saying otherwise.

In absolute terms, states today are more deadly and can butcher a whole

lot more people in a much shorter period of time than anything you

mentioned.

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On Thu, 22 Jan 2004 00:31:48 EST

ChrisMasterjohn@... wrote:

>In a message dated 1/22/04 12:14:24 AM Eastern Standard Time,

>slethnobotanist@... writes:

>

>> I didn't understand him to being saying that, and in a brief review of

>> the article I still didn't understand him to be saying that.

>

>I did, but I'll follow your interpretation of it.

>

>

Hey

Now this an example of to much trimming. What was he saying or what were

you saying that he was saying? LOL!

Superhero Bush Rescues Marriage

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In a message dated 1/22/04 1:48:40 AM Eastern Standard Time,

slethnobotanist@... writes:

> In absolute terms most assuredly states raise the death rate.

Isn't that a contradiction in itself? " Absolute terms " and " rate " ? The

state allows population rise and a massive decrease in the death rate. The

operative factor in the absolute numbers of deaths from warfare and murder is

the

population rise, which is counteracted enormously by the decrease in the

murder/war death rate. So, the ultimate cause of the evil he attributes to the

state

is its effect on population growth, which essentially means that he considers

the following two components to be evil:

-- increasing the birth rate

-- decreasing the death rate

> In absolute terms, states today are more deadly and can butcher a whole

> lot more people in a much shorter period of time than anything you

> mentioned.

Maybe, but at best, the argument can't back itself up, because we certainly

can't extrapolate from non-statist figures that, with population numbers equal,

non-state societies would kill less in warfare. The most generous thing to

be said for the argument is that it's comparing apples and oranges.

Chris

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Suze,

Most of what you said is agreeable-- primarily, I agree that mandatory

taxation is a form of agression, and I concede each point where that was

considered,

to the extent I claimed it wasn't.

However, I have issues with a couple things you said:

> >No, he didn't argue it wasn't necessary. He simply argued it was

> >evil, and

> >claimed its necessity need not be considered.

>

> LOL! The entire article is an argument against the necessity of the state

> and its unjustified aggression.

I think my comment here hardly deserves to be laughed at. Perhaps you are

vastly more perceptive than I am, but I read the article, and still have no idea

what his argument is, nor do I recall him making any coherent or supported

argument against the necessity of the state.

In my message to , I selected the passages and pasted them in my email

that I believed supported by view that he considers the question of necessity

to be irrelevant. If you could please either a) dispute that view, or,

preferably, B) summarize in several sentences what you believe to be the crux of

his argument against the necessity of the state, I would greatly appreciate it.

I'm being serious. I have no idea what his argument against the necessity of

the state is, and I didn't perceive him to even be making one.

> i think it's more like an anti-abortionist who uses a morning after pill.

I disagree. If we are considering " pregnancy " to be analagous to the

initiation of violence, then a prohibition of violence and some means of

enforcing

said prohibition has as its purposes to 1) deter against violence (condom or

other barrier) and 2) punish violence (morning after pill). Of course this a

rather crude analogy to use for such a beautiful and miraculous process, but,

nevertheless... If the pregnancy is analagous to violence, than an

anti-abortionist, I guess, would be an absolute pacifist-- one who believes that

violence is

never justified, even in self-defense, or in the punishment of violence.

It's true, then, that the anti-abortionist would be a hypocrite for using the

pill, but the anti-abortionist position is not analogous to the libertarian

position, because libertarianism opposes the *initiation* of force, not force

per

se.

Now, you could have a state funded in a variety of ways, and it seems one way

would be to allow an individual to opt out of taxation without receiving

benefits. Thus, one could not pay taxes, but then would not obtain the services

of the police department, would not be able to bring suits in the courts, etc.

Although, perhaps that's essentially anarchism?

In any case, my main problem with the essay is that he argues that one need

not concern oneself with the necessity of the state. I *did* catch his

" pessimism, " and I think it illustrates my point:

" Another point: in my view, we are about as likely to achieve minarchy as we

are to achieve anarchy. I.e., both are remote possibilities. What is

striking is that almost every criticism of " impracticality " that minarchist

hurl at anarchy is also true of minarchy itself. Both are exceedingly

unlikely. Both require massive changes in views among millions of people.

Both rest on presumptions that most people simply don't care much about. "

If that's true, then these discussions amount to pure intellectual games and

nothing more. Real people have to make real goals in the real world. I'm

open to being convinced that the State can be abolished, and frankly, I'd

*rather* think that, but I'm certainly not going to be convinced by an article

that

says it doesn't matter whether the State can be abolished or not, because my

support for it makes me ipso facto an immoral advocate of agression, regardless.

That's a rather absurd argument coming from someone with the luxury of not

caring about reality. Just because he resigns himself to " pessimism, " he can

absolve himself of the need to recognize reality, and then cast moral judgment

on those who recognize the existence of reality.

Chris

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had written:

> >> In absolute terms most assuredly states raise the death rate.

>

And I responded:

> Isn't that a contradiction in itself? " Absolute terms " and " rate " ?

,

It occurred to me that you may have been using " rate " to signify murder per

time, which would be a rate, even though it is not the typically used rate,

murder per unit of population per unit of time.

Also, I think I was being unfair in my response to this article. The State

is still responsible for the deaths, whether it prevents other deaths or not.

You'd presented both articles, seemingly, in the context of the feasibility of

anarchism, and that's what I was looking for in them, but the authors

obviously weren't intending to write comprehensive tracts on the trappings of an

anarchist society.

Chris

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>Suze,

>

>Most of what you said is agreeable-- primarily, I agree that mandatory

>taxation is a form of agression, and I concede each point where

>that was considered,

>to the extent I claimed it wasn't.

k.

>

>However, I have issues with a couple things you said:

>

>> >No, he didn't argue it wasn't necessary. He simply argued it was

>> >evil, and

>> >claimed its necessity need not be considered.

>>

>> LOL! The entire article is an argument against the necessity of the state

>> and its unjustified aggression.

>

>I think my comment here hardly deserves to be laughed at. Perhaps you are

>vastly more perceptive than I am, but I read the article, and

>still have no idea

>what his argument is, nor do I recall him making any coherent or supported

>argument against the necessity of the state.

oh, sorry, i didn't in any way mean to be rude or condescending - i just

thought that was a funny thing to say. listen, i'll tell you what - i

honestly think we're both spending way too much time over analyzing a brief

article that doesn't even begin to purport that it's a comprehensive defense

of anarcho-capitalism. it's just one anarcho-capitalist's view on what it

means (to him) to be an anarcho-capitalist. so i'm going to try to be very

brief in my responses in the attempt to wind down the thread on this

particular article. i do think the subject of anarchy vs. minarchy is

interesting and worth considerable thought and discussion, i just don't

think this one article deserves so much ink.

in regards to kinsella's argument against the necessity of state and its

unjustified aggression - basically, the guy makes clear from the very

beginning that he's an anarchist, as the title tells us " what it means to be

an anarcho-capitalist " . he's identifying himself as an anarchist, which, by

definition is some who believes the state is an unnecessary aggressor. Then

in the body of the article he goes on to defend anarchy. even the first line

states " Libertarian opponents of anarchy are attacking a straw man. " here,

he's obviously setting up his defense of anarchy, but then he goes on in

succeeding paras to explain how minarchists support aggression and

anarchists don't (on ethical grounds). there are numerous passages i could

quote to support this, but again, i don't see the purpose. if you re-read it

i think you will see it. here's just one last line that hopefully makes it

very clear in his summary:

" After all, the state rests upon the tacit consent of the masses, who have

erroneously accepted the notion that states are legitimate. But none of that

means the criminal enterprises condoned by the masses are justified. "

he's an anarchist, which we know is someone who believes the state is an

unnecessary agressor and here he's saying the state is NOT legitimate and

is, in fact, criminal. from all this (and many other passages i didn't

quote), it seems clear to me that he's saying the state is an unnecessary

aggressor.

having said that...does he lay out a detailed argument as to WHY he thinks

the state is an unneccessary aggressor? no - that's not the mission of this

particular article. but i'm sure you can find more on that subject in the

lew rockwell archives or elsewhere on the net.

>> i think it's more like an anti-abortionist who uses a morning after pill.

>

>I disagree. If we are considering " pregnancy " to be analagous to the

>initiation of violence, then a prohibition of violence and some

>means of enforcing

>said prohibition has as its purposes to 1) deter against violence

>(condom or

>other barrier) and 2) punish violence (morning after pill). Of

>course this a

>rather crude analogy to use for such a beautiful and miraculous

>process, but,

>nevertheless... If the pregnancy is analagous to violence, than an

>anti-abortionist, I guess, would be an absolute pacifist-- one who

>believes that violence is

>never justified, even in self-defense, or in the punishment of violence.

>It's true, then, that the anti-abortionist would be a hypocrite

>for using the

>pill, but the anti-abortionist position is not analogous to the

>libertarian

>position, because libertarianism opposes the *initiation* of

>force, not force per

>se.

this would all be true IF the minarchist state didn't TAX it's citizenry,

which is the unjustified aggression *initiated* against the populace. if it

taxes it's citizenry (which is the scenario i was considering since it's the

one the author discussed) then my analogy would fit better.

>

>Now, you could have a state funded in a variety of ways,

ok, now you are getting into a whole new area and one that i think is

interesting and i'd like to see more discussion on it. but it wasn't within

the scope of this particular article, so i can't really comment on it

vis-a-vis kinsella's article.

>

> " Another point: in my view, we are about as likely to achieve

>minarchy as we

>are to achieve anarchy. I.e., both are remote possibilities. What is

>striking is that almost every criticism of " impracticality " that minarchist

>hurl at anarchy is also true of minarchy itself. Both are exceedingly

>unlikely. Both require massive changes in views among millions of people.

>Both rest on presumptions that most people simply don't care much about. "

>

>If that's true, then these discussions amount to pure intellectual

>games and

>nothing more. Real people have to make real goals in the real world.

hmmm...now why does that sound familiar? something about hydroponic tomatoes

or something like that...<weg>

i agree that his pessimistic viewpoint doesn't do much to help anyone who

wants to actually strive for an anarchist system.

i really think the only point of the article was " i support NO aggression

vs. " a little " aggression and my choice is based on ethical grounds. whether

or not anarchy or minarchy can ever be implemented (which i don't think

either one can) - i simply can't support aggression. " that pretty much is

the take home message that i got, no more, no less.

in another post to michael you wrote:

" You'd presented both articles, seemingly, in the context of the feasibility

of

anarchism, and that's what I was looking for in them, but the authors

obviously weren't intending to write comprehensive tracts on the trappings

of an

anarchist society. "

i think we're in agreement now! :-)

Suze Fisher

Lapdog Design, Inc.

Web Design & Development

http://members.bellatlantic.net/~vze3shjg

Weston A. Price Foundation Chapter Leader, Mid Coast Maine

http://www.westonaprice.org

----------------------------

" The diet-heart idea (the idea that saturated fats and cholesterol cause

heart disease) is the greatest scientific deception of our times. " --

Mann, MD, former Professor of Medicine and Biochemistry at Vanderbilt

University, Tennessee; heart disease researcher.

The International Network of Cholesterol Skeptics

<http://www.thincs.org>

----------------------------

>

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  • 3 weeks later...

On Thu, 22 Jan 2004 00:31:48 EST

ChrisMasterjohn@... wrote:

>>

>> I'm not following you here. Are you saying that the delineation of

>> boundaries for my person cannot be established without a *collective*

>> agreement

>> of respect for them?

>

>In *effect*, yes. I can recognize those boundaries and you can, but they are

>only protected to the extent that *everyone* recognizes them. It doesn't do

>you much good if *you* recognize the boundaries of your person if a criminal

>intent upon attacking you does not.

Isn't that by definition what a criminal does? Criminals don't respect

boundaries. That is what defense is all about. It is not dependent on whether

a criminal recognizes such or not. If he doesn't, at least in my case,

it won't do *him* much good.

>

>> And help me to see the relation of this to the article. Is this your

>> defense against his criticism of minarchy?

>

>I didn't think he had much of one... I'm trying to sort out the implications

>of his article. He claims the state is inherently violent. But if the state

>is limited to the protection of property, person, and enforcement of

>contracts, as libertarians wish it to be, then the necessary implication is

that the

>author believes there to be violence within such protection. IOW, he believes

>that a collective agreement to withold from violence or else suffer violence is

>violent in itself. If that's so, the only way to enact this ethical stance

>against violence, is to *allow* violence against person and property by those

>who do not respect person and property.

I don't think so. *Taxation* by the state is inherently violent. The

provision of the protection of property, person and the enforcement of

contracts by the state occurs through taxation. If it occurs voluntarily

then we are talking anarchism.

I thought you might find the articles of interest. I didn't mean to

suggest by any means that they were definitive.

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" They told just the same,

That just because a tyrant has the might

By force of arms to murder men downright

And burn down house and home and leave all flat

They call the man a captain, just for that.

But since an outlaw with his little band

Cannot bring half such mischief on the land

Or be the cause of so much harm and grief,

He only earns the title of a thief. "

--Geoffrey Chaucer, The Manciple's Tale

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