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----- Original Message -----

From: " ilena rose " <ilena@...>

<Recipient List Suppressed:;>

Sent: Friday, April 19, 2002 4:49 PM

Subject: Cancer, Inc.

> http://www.sierraclub.org/sierra/199909/cancer.asp

>

>

> They make the chemicals, they run the treatment centers, and they're still

> looking for " the cure " - no wonder they won't tell you about breast cancer

> prevention.

>

> by Sharon Batt & Liza Gross

>

> Every October, the sponsors of National Breast Cancer Awareness Month go

> into overdrive to spread their message, " Early detection is your best

> protection. " Organizers stage walks, hikes, races, and other events around

> the country " to fill the information void in public communication about

> breast cancer " -the sponsors' official goal. For the most part that void is

> filled with the mantra: " Get a mammogram. " As for reducing risk, the

> campaign's elaborate 1998 promotion kit says only that " current research

is

> investigating the roles of obesity, hormone replacement therapy, diet, and

> alcohol use. "

>

> In other words, the people who bring you Breast Cancer Awareness Month

tell

> you to find out if you already have the disease. And they tell you to take

> personal responsibility for staving off what's become a scourge throughout

> the country. What they go to great lengths to avoid telling you is what

the

> country can do to help stop the scourge at its source.

>

> It's no mystery why prevention gets the silent treatment. The primary

> sponsor of Breast Cancer Awareness Month, AstraZeneca (formerly known as

> Zeneca), is a British-based multinational giant that manufactures the

> cancer drug tamoxifen as well as fungicides and herbicides, including the

> carcinogen acetochlor. Its , Ohio, chemical plant is the

third-largest

> source of potential cancer-causing pollution in the United States,

> releasing 53,000 pounds of recognized carcinogens into the air in 1996.

>

> When Zeneca created Breast Cancer Awareness Month in 1985, it was owned by

> Imperial Chemical Industries, a multibillion-dollar producer of

pesticides,

> paper, and plastics. State and federal agencies sued ICI in 1990, alleging

> that it dumped DDT and PCBs-both banned in the United States since the

> 1970s-in Los Angeles and Long Beach harbors. Any mention of what role such

> chemicals may be playing in rising breast cancer rates is missing from

> Breast Cancer Awareness Month promos.

>

> After acquiring the Salick chain of cancer treatment centers in 1997,

> Zeneca merged with the Swedish pharmaceutical company Astra this year to

> form AstraZeneca, creating the world's third-largest drug concern, valued

> at $67 billion. " This is a conflict of interest unparalleled in the

history

> of American medicine, " says Dr. Epstein, a professor of

occupational

> and environmental medicine at the University of Illinois School of Public

> Health. " You've got a company that's a spinoff of one of the world's

> biggest manufacturers of carcinogenic chemicals, they've got control of

> breast cancer treatment, they've got control of the chemoprevention

> [studies], and now they have control of cancer treatment in eleven

> centers-which are clearly going to be prescribing the drugs they

> manufacture. "

>

> Even the nation's leading cancer organizations are not immune from

> corporate influence. The American Cancer Society has the vice president of

> a major herbicide manufacturer sitting on its board of directors.

> High-ranking officials in the National Cancer Institute routinely accept

> lucrative posts in the cancer-drug industry. Such tangled financial

> interests explain why the cancer establishment-the medical institutions,

> corporations, and agencies that control cancer research, treatment, and

> education-continues to ignore mounting evidence that many cases of cancer

> are avoidable.

>

> These conflicts may also help explain why, 28 years and billions of

dollars

> after President Nixon declared war on cancer, the risk of breast cancer is

> higher than ever. In 1950, an American woman faced a lifetime risk of 1 in

> 20; today that risk has more than doubled to 1 in 8. Breast cancer will

> strike some 175,000 women in the United States in 1999, and kill 43,000.

> The cancer business is booming, but the selective brand of awareness the

> cancer industry promotes comes at a price.

>

> Epstein predicted 30 years ago that cancer rates would increase,

> citing an explosion in the use of synthetic chemicals. From 1940 through

> the early 1980s, production of synthetic chemicals increased by a factor

of

> 350. Billions of tons of substances that never existed before were

released

> into the environment. Yet only some 3 percent of the 75,000 or so

chemicals

> in use have been tested for safety. Forty of them are recognized human

> carcinogens.

>

> The widespread presence of carcinogens in our environment is clearly

linked

> to rising cancer rates, Epstein says. He points to a number of avoidable

> risk factors, but pollution, estrogenic medications, toxic ingredients in

> consumer products, and carcinogens in the workplace top his list of

> culprits. One thing ties all these things together, he says: " Corporate

> recklessness. "

>

> Signs of that recklessness are most evident in the workplace. Of 4 million

> women employed in the chemical industry, Epstein says, " about a million

are

> exposed to chemicals which have been shown to cause breast cancer in

> rodents. " In cases where scientists conducted epidemiological studies,

> women exposed to these chemicals had higher rates of breast cancer.

> Evidence that women in the plastics industry face increased risk emerged

> over 20 years ago. A study published in the Journal of Occupational

> Medicine in 1977 noted higher-than-expected breast cancer deaths in women

> exposed to vinyl chloride, which not only produces mammary tumors in

> animals even at very low doses but causes breast, liver, brain, and

> nervous-system cancers in humans.

>

> Living near hazardous-waste sites also appears to increase risk. " A number

> of intriguing studies show that breast cancer rates are higher in places

> that have toxic-waste dumps, " says Steingraber, who explored the

> links between toxic hot spots and cancer incidence in her book Living

> Downstream (see " 's Daughter " ). A 1985 study published in the

> International Journal of Epidemiology found that in New Jersey-a state

with

> 111 Superfund sites-breast cancer mortality among white women increased

the

> closer they lived to a dump site.

>

> Many of these chemicals-and waste dumps-are produced by companies with a

> financial interest in cancer products. " General Electric is a major

> polluter in PCBs in the Hudson River. GE also manufactures mammogram

> machines, " says Ross Hume Hall, a biochemist who advised the Canadian

> government on environmental issues in the 1980s.

>

> An estimated million pounds of PCBs lie buried at the bottom of a 40-mile

> stretch of the Hudson, where GE dumped PCB oil until the mid-1970s,

> contaminating the entire 200-mile length of the river below Hudson Falls.

> Although PCBs (a family of 209 organochlorine chemicals) were banned in

> 1977, the chemicals persist in soil, air, lakes, and oceans. Classified by

> the EPA as probable human carcinogens, PCBs are found in the fatty tissue,

> sperm, blood, and milk of animals and humans the world over. Although PCBs

> vary in their effects, several studies link some PCBs to human breast

> cancer.

>

> Faced with a government-proposed cleanup plan that would cost hundreds of

> millions of dollars, GE launched a local media offensive assailing the

> measure as unnecessary because the river is " cleaning itself. " These PR

> efforts (which happened to be aimed at a community with one of the highest

> breast cancer rates in the United States) prompted EPA Administrator Carol

> Browner to complain to the New York Assembly in 1998: " GE would have the

> people of the Hudson River believe, and I quote, 'living in a PCB-laden

> area is not dangerous.' The science tells us the opposite is true. "

>

> Responding to mounting evidence of organochlorines' harm, in 1992 a staid

> scientific advisory group, the International Joint Commission (IJC),

> proposed a global phaseout of whole classes of the roughly 15,000

> chlorinated compounds in use. (The IJC advises the U.S. and Canadian

> governments on pollution in the Great Lakes region.) Among the evidence

was

> research from Israel showing that three organochlorine pesticides detected

> in milk and other dairy products caused 12 types of cancer in 10 different

> strains of rats and mice. After public outcry in 1978 forced the Israeli

> government to ban the pesticides-benzene hexachloride, DDT, and

> lindane-something remarkable happened. Breast cancer mortality rates,

which

> had increased every year for 25 years, dropped nearly 8 percent for all

age

> groups and more than a third for women ages 25 to 34 by 1986.

>

> Unimpressed by such findings, the American Cancer Society (ACS) sided with

> the Chlorine Institute and issued a joint statement against the phaseout.

> This alliance between the world's largest cancer charity and the chemical

> industry, says Epstein, amounts to a " frank hostility " to prevention.

>

> The American Cancer Society was founded with the support of the

Rockefeller

> family in 1913. Members of the chemical and pharmaceutical industry have

> long had a place on its board. The society strengthened its industry ties

> in 1992, when it created the American Cancer Society Foundation to solicit

> contributions over $100,000. The foundation's corporate-heavy board of

> trustees includes Bethune, president of the multinational drug

> company Lederle Laboratories and vice president of American Cyanamid, a

> manufacturer of chemical fertilizers and herbicides.

>

> The Cancer Society's anti-prevention efforts include opposing the

> now-defunct Delaney Clause, passed in 1958 to safeguard food from

> substances that cause cancer in animals, because the law " would severely

> limit the use of valuable pesticides and food additives and...probably

> increase food costs. " In 1977 and 1978, it opposed regulations for hair

> dyes that cause mammary and liver cancer in rodents. And since 1982, the

> ACS has insisted on unequivocal proof that a substance causes cancer in

> humans before taking a position on public health hazards.

>

> Ironically, this is the posture of the tobacco industry, which the ACS has

> long battled, and explains why decades after the U.S. Surgeon General

> warned in 1964 that smoking causes lung cancer, tobacco executives were

> still saying that smoking isn't dangerous. It was the Surgeon General's

> courage to act on what Steingraber calls " good but partial evidence " that

> would protect people " while the wheels of science slowly grind on. "

> Thirty-two years later, scientists finally isolated the carcinogenic agent

> in smoke and determined exactly how it causes lung cancer. True to form,

> the Cancer Society's latest report on cancer prevention, the 1998 " Cancer

> Risk Report: Prevention and Control, " makes no mention of environmental

> factors.

>

> The primary source of support for cancer research in the United States

> comes from the federally funded National Cancer Institute (NCI). Senior

> executives in both the Cancer Society and the Cancer Institute routinely

> move through a revolving door to board and executive posts at companies

> that make cancer-treatment drugs.

>

> Such conflicts of interest extend to the petrochemical industry. While

> serving as chairman of the National Cancer Advisory Panel (a three-member

> committee appointed by the president) in 1990, Armand Hammer announced a

> drive to add a billion dollars to the NCI's budget " to find a cure for

> cancer in the next ten years. " At the time, he was also chairman of

> Occidental Petroleum, which would later have to pay the federal government

> $129 million and New York State $98 million to clean up its infamous toxic

> dump, Love Canal.

>

> It's no surprise, then, that reducing exposures to environmental

> carcinogens gets short shrift in the NCI's breast cancer prevention

> efforts, and that the agency embraced a study in " chemoprevention " in

1992.

> The Breast Cancer Prevention Trial, involving over 13,000 women throughout

> North America, was designed to see if the chemotherapy drug tamoxifen

would

> reduce the risk of breast cancer in healthy women. Zeneca supplied the

> tamoxifen, and the NCI provided $50 million in funding. With activists

> demanding prevention, says Pearson, executive director of the

> National Women's Health Network, " the NCI needed a prevention initiative. "

> It chose what seemed the easiest way to go-a pill.

>

> Pearson's group opposed the study at a Food and Drug Administration

> hearing. " Tamoxifen shouldn't even be mentioned in the same breath as

> population-wide prevention, " she says. Studies later revealed that the

> women on tamoxifen developed 44 percent fewer breast cancers, but twice as

> many endometrial cancers, three times as many blood clots in their lungs,

> and 160 percent more strokes and blood clots in their legs. (Major studies

> in Italy and Britain found no reduction of breast cancer risk.) In October

> 1998, the FDA approved tamoxifen for healthy women at " high risk, "

> expanding AstraZeneca's $526 million market for the drug to some 29

million

> more women.

>

> The National Cancer Institute's latest " prevention initiative " will

compare

> tamoxifen and Eli Lilly's raloxifene-another drug that appears to reduce

> breast cancer risk-in tests on 22,000 women in the United States and

Canada.

>

> While these advances in chemoprevention win funding and acclaim,

less-toxic

> prevention efforts have met fierce resistance. When the International

Joint

> Commission launched its organochlorine phaseout, the chemical industry

> first responded with a media offensive attacking the proposal, then went

> after women's-health activists. In a memo prepared for the Chlorine

> Chemistry Council, the public-relations firm Mongoven, Biscoe and Duchin

> outlined a strategy to " mobilize science against the precautionary

> principle " -the idea that when there is evidence of serious risks to public

> health, we must act to reduce those risks even in the absence of absolute

> proof. Singled out was a series of conferences on organochlorines and

> women's health in 1994 that featured a keynote talk by Dr. Devra Lee

> on synthetic chemicals. , an epidemiologist, was a health-policy

> advisor in the Clinton administration at the time, a post the memo

> complained gave her " unlimited access to the media " and helped validate

her

> " junk science. "

>

> Industry1s efforts to stifle evidence of environmental links to breast

> cancer has even infiltrated the medical journals. Two incidents that

> grabbed national headlines involved The New England Journal of Medicine in

> 1997. The first, an editorial by toxicologist Safe of Texas A & M

> University, reviewed studies correlating chemical residues in blood

samples

> with increased breast cancer risk. Safe judged the evidence unconvincing,

> dismissing public concerns as " chemophobia. " The Journal did not disclose

> that Safe had received research funds from the Chemical Manufacturers

> Association six months before his article appeared.

>

> On the heels of Safe's editorial, the Journal ran a book review panning

> Steingraber's Living Downstream. The author, a physician identified

> only as Jerry H. Berke, said Steingraber was obsessed with environmental

> pollution as the cause of cancer. Berke, it turned out, was a senior

> official at W. R. Grace, the chemical giant forced by the EPA to help pay

> for a $69 million cleanup of contaminated wells in Woburn, Massachusetts,

> the setting for the book and movie A Civil Action.

>

> These events had one positive outcome, says Steingraber: they revived an

> important public conversation that Carson, the anti-toxics pioneer,

> initiated toward the end of her life. " She was beginning to document the

> interlocking structures of industry and medicine and how the chemical

> industry may be using the medical literature as a mouthpiece for its own

> views. "

>

> Carson, herself a victim of industry attacks, saw no contradiction between

> preventing cancer and developing better treatments. But a " search for the

> cure, " she said, misrepresents the slow nature of scientific discovery. As

> we single-mindedly chase that elusive cure, we miss opportunities to

> prevent the cancers of the next generation. " It is a disservice to

humanity

> to hold out the hope that the solution will come suddenly, in a single

> master stroke, " she warned in Silent Spring.

>

> Carson was dying of breast cancer when she wrote these words. No less

> tragic, the pattern of missed opportunities continues more than 35 years

> later.

>

> PROTECTING OUR HEALTH

>

> What You Can Do to Reduce Toxics

>

> Toxics activists in Sierra Club chapters and groups nationwide are working

> on two major campaigns to protect public health. In a global effort, the

> Club has joined the International POPs Elimination Network, an alliance of

> 100 non-governmental organizations advocating a worldwide ban of at least

> 12 persistent organic pollutants (POPs), the most hazardous chemicals

known

> to science. All of these " dirty dozen " chemicals are organochlorines that

> can travel thousands of miles through the atmosphere, linger in the

> environment, and concentrate in the fatty tissues of wildlife and humans.

> For more information, contact of the Environmental Quality

> Strategy team at aztoxic@...

>

> And in the United States, the Club has teamed up with Health Care Without

> Harm, a coalition of more than 170 groups dedicated to environmentally

> responsible health care. The campaign focuses on reducing the toxic output

> of medical incinerators-the leading source of mercury emissions and

> second-leading source of dioxin. For more information, contact Doris

> Cellarius, HCWH coordinator, at doris.cellarius@... -Liza Gross

> ------------------------------------------------------------------------

>

> More Resources on brest cancer research and treatment.

>

> Sharon Batt, a breast cancer survivor, is the author of Patient No More:

> The Politics of Breast Cancer. Liza Gross is Sierra's copy editor.

>

> © 2000 Sierra Club. Reproduction of this article is not permitted

without

> permission. Contact sierra.magazine@... for more information.

> ------------------------------------------------------------------------

> Up to Top

>

>

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